But if the private corporation, through its interest in broad
charter privileges and liberal corporation laws and its devotion
to the tariff and to conservative financial policies, found it
convenient to do business with the politician and his
organization, the quasi-public corporations, especially the steam
railroads and street railways, found it almost essential to their
existence. They received not only their franchises but frequently
large bonuses from the public treasury. The Pacific roads alone
were endowed with an empire of 145,000,000 acres of public land.
States, counties, and cities freely loaned their credit and gave
ample charters to new railway lines which were to stimulate
prosperity.
City councils, legislatures, mayors, governors, Congress, and
presidents were drawn into the maelstrom of commercialism. It is
not surprising that side by side with the new business
organization there grew up a new political organization, and that
the new business magnate was accompanied by a new political
magnate. The party machine and the party boss were the natural
product of the time, which was a time of gain and greed. It was a
sordid reaction, indeed, from the high principles that sought
victory on the field of battle and that found their noblest
embodiment in the character of Abraham Lincoln.
The dominant and domineering party chose the leading soldier of
the North as its candidate for President. General Grant, elected
as a popular idol because of his military genius, possessed
neither the experience nor the skill to countermove the
machinations of designing politicians and their business allies.
Pages:
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
40
41
42
43
44
45
46
47
48